This specific year I felt was the best time to work with the rhetoric of identification and division, as racial tensions flared more than usual in this election season. One of the reasons I chose Barack Obama’s campaign to center my pieces on was the apparent lack of the “race” word when speaking of this candidate from a white audience, and many times the opposite response from communities of color – many people of color were criticized in the media coverage by talking about race too much. These opposing views of one man’s identity begged the question of authenticity as a black man, ownership of this man in one racial group or another, and motives of those writing about Obama. As the election at the beginning of November reached its peak during the time the first few pieces were written in my portfolio, I found it discomforting that the topics that I discussed in my papers were not widely spread throughout the rest of coverage during the election. Because of this fact, many of the pieces I wrote pushed the issue of race and identity to the forefront as I found it lacking in the conversation of Obama as a candidate. The lack of talking about race seemed to be a tacit understanding in the media; the only times race seemed to be discussed was in clips of either Rev. Jeremiah Wright or white McCain-Palin rally supporters, both instances of outright jaw-dropping rhetorics for those “nice” white people in the middle.
One of the strengths of this topic I found was in the timeliness of the pieces- in a sense, one can look at each of the pieces and remember the political climate of the nation at the time. The letter to the editor introduces the topic of “whitewashing race” in the media coverage that I felt did not truly change throughout the election coverage: save the one black commentator on CNN, you would be hard pressed to find a representative voice for communities of color on the news. The second paper addresses the question that seemed to be on the minds of many as the campaign continued: Who is Barack Obama and what does that mean for him as a candidate? In this piece, I looked specifically at the only time that the issue of race had to be mentioned in the campaign, the controversy regarding Jeremiah Wright. The issue of Obama’s identity as a black man changed race relations and made many underlying issues within the white community come to the forefront; as we were free to speculate about Obama’s identity but there was no mention of John McCain’s identity as a white man. This supposedly “neutral” yardstick of race was a direct result of how identification of “white is right” is understood by all and political motives are not speculated as tailoring to a specific audience. Something communities of color just don’t have the luxury of having.
Uncovering the rhetorics of the election, one of the most pressing issues in the United States this last semester, I discovered once again how those with the power to speak get their voices heard. This was seen specifically in the stifling on voices of the topic of race in the election and the choices the media made regarding the representation of Obama, something I discussed in the research paper. The research done for that piece made it clear that hierarchical rhetorics still dominate the popular media- it became a goal of mine then, as it had before, to create a more inclusive piece that discusses these same issues with a viewpoint of speaking for another community. By no means do I feel that my work was groundbreaking in any sense of the word, but I do think that issues were raised about Obama as a candidate and the future president-elect that were not mentioned in other hierarchical media outlets. I also chose specifically to keep the piece unchanged, as it was written before we knew the outcome of the election, because I don’t want the issues raised in the three pieces to be swept aside because Obama won the election. The multi-media collaborative project was also an attempt via format to get the voices of individuals heard, especially those who don’t speak in class that often. The issues raised on the blog were ones that we have been swirling about all semester while looking at Burke, and I feel like taking the identity of the student-athlete garnered the same passionate reactions from my colleagues as would any other misunderstood group.
My understanding of the rhetoric of identification and division comes also with the emotions of fear and comfort. (Diagram below). These two dyads are polar opposites in regards to proper communication. And although the ultimate goal of our society is to strive towards inclusion and identification and care with one another, the process of getting there for someone who has lived in the white habitus for their whole life is a challenging process. My political commitments then strive towards inclusion, and in my current and future work I feel as though I am working on a daily basis towards identification with all people. The way that I understand the rhetoric is an ongoing process of both self understanding and acknowledgement of others’ lifestyles and life positions. The arrows moving curved from division to identification denote the process one must go through in order to get to identification – and the emotions that must be faced. A circle is rotating and agile, changing based on your path of understanding of self and others as well as the constant shifting racial winds on a country-wide scale and a community wide scale. I feel that I am a work in progress, but I feel as though I am somewhere past the complete comfort and fear into a wide-eyed space of discovery. As I move into a field that works with so many voices that are not represented in a university setting such as this, I feel as though my comfort in myself and in openness towards learning new things will aid me. By no means am I there – I would be arrogant to think so. But I do believe that I have the gumption to look the fear of division in the eye, and get along with people that I don’t necessarily agree with or know much about.
I feel like I’ve been most successful as a writer in this course in integrating different sources in the pieces that I’ve written, specifically in paper 3. I also believe that I was able to use some of my little knowledge of race theory and utilize it in this topic. It was exciting to be in the middle of thinking about a piece or writing it and have to jump out of my chair and go to my bookshelf for something I read a year ago. It means that I care about it and that it stuck. One of the things that I enjoy most about writing is that emotion has to be a part of it – for me, there has to be fire about something inside of you in order to research it and write it. Thankfully I found work in anti-racism work. It was also exciting to be able to tackle that topic from a different theoretical angle with Burke, and I feel as though I was able to integrate Burke well with current events. Unfortunately, though, because I do believe that passion is a key ingredient in writing I found myself becoming frustrated with colleagues that didn’t write like they cared about the topic they wrote about. My annoyance I hope didn’t come off as arrogance, because I truly believe that everyone has the capability to make a strong passionate argument, regardless of whether anyone likes it or not. I realize that in the world of work I will have to come to terms with the fact that not everyone loves their job all the time, I surely don’t. My patience will surely be tested with my coworkers that I don’t agree with, and the open forum of the classroom was at times a test of my patience that was good for me. Sometimes I just wanted to jump out of my skin…but that would’ve been messy and inappropriate.
Honestly, I’ve never been a huge fan of collaborative work. The group usually dorks around and people don’t contribute equally, so I was wary at first. But as the idea for the project took shape and discussion began on the blog I felt differently about the idea of working together. Life is about coalitions and collaboration, and I felt like the project was a good example of how many groups work. Some people don’t know as much as you about the topic and are willing to ask the questions that make you rethink exactly why you believe what you do. Some hold stereotypes and opinions that you will fight your whole life to try and dispel. And some will be on the same page as you in many ways. What was important about the blogging experience was I was able to see that those I don’t agree with are not villains, not enemies in the war of words, but friends with different opinions. It is my sincere hope that I am able to continue putting knowledge out there about multicultural rhetoric and voices, moving people even within my own racial or family group to inclusion and coalition building.
I’ve re-learned once again that the most powerful words come from your own voice and the voices of the people in your own community. Your work becomes the best when you are honest with yourself and when you’re honestly choosing the voices that you want shared in your work as well. The voices used throughout my papers from many different sources helped keep me focused on the ultimate goal of writing for me, to help as many people as possible see themselves as identifying and caring about others. The numerous voices shared throughout race theory have been to universities, they know how to reach their specific audience about race theory. But those prisoners in Through the Eyes of the Judged did not go to university, yet their voices are stronger in many ways than the theorists I’ve read. Reading the words of these marginalized voices helped illuminate the affects of racism on these prisoner’s life choices. They were not heard or helped in many cases during their childhood, and only now are they able to get their own thoughts and feelings about their situation on paper. Through this class and the community we have built here, the anti-racism work we have done through the principle of having all voices heard will continue to affect our lives.
The biggest question I have to ask now is: Where will this knowledge take me in the next stage of my life? What will Kenneth Burke, the man that barely anyone can understand on one read, teach a person I will talk to on a regular basis? I think most importantly Burke and the rhetoric identification has taught me that the most difficult thing, and most rewarding thing, is taking a concept like rhetoric and being able to apply it to regular life and teach other people. It’s great to be able to spout off authors who have been dead for years, but it’s also more rewarding to be able to teach someone about how identification interacts with their own social standing to create or quell conflict. Identification helps us see who we need to spend more time with, who we need to learn more about, and how we are to interact and connect with others. Burke has taught me in a greater sense how to collaborate with others in ways that might be unconventional, following the concept that you have to understand where you are divided in order to know how you can then be united.
Because of my commitment to multicultural rhetorics and my use of collaboration in both the papers and class work, I believe I deserve an A for the semester. My work both in and out of class has proven to be passionate and committed. I believe that as this semester has gone on I have been able to engage openly with colleagues in class and provided significant feedback for their work. Overall, I feel as though I have been a significant contributor to this course and hope that you saw my effort and mastery of the subject matter. I by no means think my work and learning is done, but this course has proven that it is possible for me to master difficult texts and challenging concepts that occur in the everyday. The support and community of this course will be missed, and I just hope that I have proven worthy of a top mark in this material.
Sincerely,
Sarah Weakley
Thursday, December 18, 2008
Final Project
You can find the collaborative final project, discussing student athletes on the WSU campus and racial issues that surround them at:
http://www.engl460wsu.blogspot.com/
http://www.engl460wsu.blogspot.com/
Piece 3- Research Paper with Interviews
Paper 3 Draft 2
Image and Essentialisms: Barack Obama and the Politics of Representation
“This country’s image of the Negro, which hasn’t very much to do with the Negro, has never failed to reflect with a frightening accuracy the state of mind of the country.”- James Baldwin
Pop culture is the way in which an America creates and reflects identity. It is not only a place where goods are bought and sold, where it seems nothing is sacred anymore, it is one of the best barometers of the nation’s foundational myths. Media representation of Democratic Presidential Nominee Barack Obama has been contested throughout his campaign in the constant questioning of his identity: used as a weapon of Otherizing by his opponents in the volatile weeks before Election Day and also by supporters who plaster his image on T-shirts and speak of finally moving “beyond race.” Both are dangerous in many different ways, causing concern for those working for social justice and equality across racial boundaries. In the space of media representation and pop culture though is where I must begin, as it informs, motivates, and complicates this man’s identity in a coming time of astronomical change.
Stuart Hall’s essay, “What’s this ‘black’ in black pop culture?” is where many begin when looking at the intersection of race and culture. Popular culture, according to Hall, “is where we discover and play with the identifications of ourselves, where we are imagined, where we are represented…to ourselves for the first time” (474). This “we” Hall speaks of is not just the black community, but to people as a whole. The playful nature of popular culture is not all fun and games though, and should not be misread in this light. Instead the “play” that comes from pop culture is the fickleness of the audience, the back and forth that comes from seeing representations of you that you might or might not like. For many Americans, Barack Obama has given us the opportunity to see how the country implicitly (and sometimes explicitly) speaks about race, and how we are truly being shown ourselves for the first time in a time where, “race is a slippery concept…where no one can define blackness, but we Americans embrace it as a matter of common sense” (Smith 180).
This notion of race as common sense has seeped into the American consciousness so much so that to talk about race and racism in regards to Barack Obama has almost been heresy. As Dr. John Streamas mentions, “The media has been bending over backwards not to talk about racism,” which seems to be concurrent with the type of coverage that is being seen. Streamas continues by noting that, “In the coverage after the debates, one person might mention race, another would comment and then one would say, ‘But the bigger issue here is…’ They know it’s a factor but just don’t want to talk about it.” Colorblind racism, illustrated in turns of phrase like those mentioned above, are the “powerful explanations-- which ultimately have become justifications” (2) for racism to continue. This style of talking about “Anything but Race” in media coverage of Obama, specifically in the general election against McCain, has been to ignore outright problems of racism that underlies the “bigger issues” of economics and healthcare (Bonilla-Silva 62). Attacks on Obama’s character as well as how race has played a role in the campaign are not mentioned because of these “bigger issues” facing “every American.”
For communities of color, though, for who race is that which informs opportunities and economics, what bigger issue is there? Even for Barack Obama, an elitist in many aspects, he cannot escape his race and all the stereotypical baggage that comes with it. This baggage comes in the form of essentialisms for the people Obama represents on the screen, where “sweeping generalizations about all group members” create ways to categorize people of color. Americans learn these explicitly and implicitly from birth, and therefore “the groups essence is seen as relatively immutable and as providing an explanation for why groups differ in terms of resources and opportunities” (Jost and Hamilton 214). Discrimination’s affects on people of color’s life chances then are merely essentialized away as something “immutable”, causing worse pain for those who know they are essentialized in a mostly negative light. For a person of color in the everyday, “It is to experience a precarious balance between paranoia and the desire to live life simply as it comes, an endless struggle with humiliation, depression, and rage” (Johnson 58). No day is exempt from this struggle, especially for those poor and working class.
Obama’s public persona and personality (at least in his television life) has not been indicative of that rage. Cool and composed at even the most tense of moments, Obama gives credence to those citizens and critical watchers like Dr. Robert Eddy who believe that, “He is just too brilliant to be essentialized…Obama has overcome that essentialism.” Even though Obama as one man has overcome the stereotypical versions of a black man, Dr. Eddy notes that, “for many that [overcoming essentialisms of representation] is not happening.” Barack Obama as a representation of the Black community and communities of color in general might have escaped these essentialisms of the “angry black man” or “lazy,” but he has not escaped essentialisms in other ways.
This particular political moment is laced with the rhetoric of fear, and new essentialisms have emerged particularly around the idea of the “terrorist” that many in Obama-opposing factions have been decrying. The Other in this case is now the most feared of them all, and Obama has been essentialized broadly as the Other throughout this campaign. “In 2008, you can’t get away with saying ‘Don’t trust him because he’s black’,” notes Dr. Lisa Guerrero. Instead, “the rhetorics [from the opposition] are coming in the back door, saying things like ‘He doesn’t see America like we see America’…and the allegations that he ‘pals around with terrorists’ hurt the larger community.” Not only have these attacks of his character come as a somewhat last-ditch effort by his opponents towards Obama himself, but there are deeper motives at work. Connections with something currently so taboo in this country could negatively affect the way he represents and reflects communities of color, continuing the xenophobia of many Americans towards people of color.
According to Tafjel and Turner’s Social Identity Theory, one gains identity in self by identifying with groups, some ascribed (like race) and others achieved. It is also assumed that, “people are generally motivated to achieve and maintain a positive social identity, thereby boosting their self esteem” (Brown and Zagefka 56). For the ascribed group affiliation for people of color, then, their greatest media representation in Obama insidiously otherized in this way could have catastrophic affects on the whole group’s identity to whites. If clearly many Americans still see any connection to the Middle East as a “problem,” this Otherizing of Obama is detrimental to the Social Identity of Americans of color via their ascribed status. Dr. Guerrero notes, “If the President of the U.S. is identified as the danger because of connections to terrorism, it is far more insidious than, ‘He’s a criminal.’” These connections change the way people see Obama as a leader, and for some this still identifies Obama with otherized communities that potentially threaten a positive social identity for all. As mentioned in a New York Times article on October 19, 2008, “At a recent town-hall style meeting during which an audience member said she thought that Mr. Obama was an ‘Arab,’ Mr. McCain replied, ‘No, ma’am, he’s a decent family man’” (A1). “Family men” aren’t apparently Arab, but more so than anything that comment represents the bigger issue here- that the Other is still zealously feared.
As the Otherizing rhetoric is coming from those that oppose Barack Obama, the supporters of Obama also collaborate with the colorblind racist paradigm in setting himself up as the token, believing that the problems will be solved when Obama is president. The discussion of “The Cosby Show” by Jhally and Lewis can serve us well when looking at Obama as a representation of one of the community of color who has made it, like the Huxtables of 80s television. “White respondents used the acknowledgement of a racist past to demonstrate historical contrast rather than historical continuity. Racism, in other words, is seen by white Cosby watchers as a disease that has been essentially cured; the society requires no further medicine” (Jhally and Lewis 90). Obama is a representation of progress for this county in many ways, but there is a danger of believing that we are now a post-racial society. Dr. Streamas notes this danger when saying, “We have to be careful, because Obama will be a way to disregard race…he will give us something to point to,” when critics say that racism doesn’t exist. In the words of Dr. Lisa Guerrero, “He will give us an out.”
Obama as President, would be a triumph for communities of color and for antiracists. It will be proof that a particularly eloquent and brilliant black man has the possibility of making it all the way to the highest public office in this country. But we cannot stop there. As Tim Wise notes in his alarmingly brilliant and frank book White Like Me, the “argument from exception” that racism doesn’t exist by mentioning the few success stories of people of color is nonsensical and doesn’t help expose white privilege and change racism. It is “tantamount to saying that since lots of Jews survived the World War II era, the Holocaust wasn’t really that bad” (70). If we lift up Obama as a Messiah-like figure he so often is represented as in the minds of liberals, coming to fix the problem of racism by merely being in the Oval Office, those who are fighting for racial equality will be collaborating with the problem.
To truly take on the problems that both essentialisms cause for Obama and communities of color, both must be made conscious to audiences even after Obama is elected. Recognition of the possibility of being a fan of Obama while still being in danger of keeping the racial hierarchy intact must be paramount to understanding of the precariousness of representations. of people of color by Obama. More than anything, though, Obama as President has to tackle both the ideological essentialisms by uttering them and the tangible evidence of discrimination of the poor people of color. That group will not be ignored, especially by a Black man running a government that has left them behind for too long.
Works Cited
Bonilla-Silva, Eduardo. Racism Without Racists, 2nd Ed. Oxford: Rowman and Littlefield Publishers, 2006.
Bulmiller, Elizabeth and Jeff Zelheny. “Powell Backs Obama and Criticized McCain Tactics.” The New York Times Online.. 19 October 2008, A1. http://www.nytimes.com/2008/10/20/us/politics/20campaign.html?hp
Brown, Rupert and Hanna Zagefka. “Ingroup Affiliations and Prejudice.” On the Nature of Prejudice: Fifty Years After Allport. Eds. John F. Dovidio, Peter Glick and Laurie Rudman. Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishing, 2005. 54-70.
Eddy, Dr. Robert. Pesonal Interview. 7 October 2008.
Guerrero, Dr. Lisa. Personal Interview. 10 October 2008.
Hall, Stuart. “What is this ‘black’ in black pop culture?” Stuart Hall: Critical Dialogues in Cultural Studies. Eds. David Morley and Kuan-Hsing Chen. New York: Routledge, 1996. 465-475.
Jhally, Sue and Justin Lewis. Enlightened Racism. Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1992.
Johnson, Allen. Privilege, Power, and Difference, 2nd Ed. Boston: McGraw-Hill, 2006.
Jost, John T. and David L. Hamilton. “Stereotypes in Our Culture.” On the Nature of Prejudice: Fifty Years After Allport. Eds. John F. Dovidio, Peter Glick and Laurie Rudman. Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishing, 2005. 208-224.
Smith, David Lionel. “What is Black Culture?” The House that Race Built: Original Essays by Toni Morrison, Angela Y. Davis, Cornel West and Others on Black Americans and Politics in America Today. Ed. Wahneema Lubiano. New York: Vintage Books, 1998. 178-193.
Streamas, Dr. John. Personal Interview. 16 October 2008.
Wise, Tim. White Like Me: Reflections on Race from a Privileged Son, 2nd Ed. Brooklyn, NY: Soft Skull Press, 2008.
Image and Essentialisms: Barack Obama and the Politics of Representation
“This country’s image of the Negro, which hasn’t very much to do with the Negro, has never failed to reflect with a frightening accuracy the state of mind of the country.”- James Baldwin
Pop culture is the way in which an America creates and reflects identity. It is not only a place where goods are bought and sold, where it seems nothing is sacred anymore, it is one of the best barometers of the nation’s foundational myths. Media representation of Democratic Presidential Nominee Barack Obama has been contested throughout his campaign in the constant questioning of his identity: used as a weapon of Otherizing by his opponents in the volatile weeks before Election Day and also by supporters who plaster his image on T-shirts and speak of finally moving “beyond race.” Both are dangerous in many different ways, causing concern for those working for social justice and equality across racial boundaries. In the space of media representation and pop culture though is where I must begin, as it informs, motivates, and complicates this man’s identity in a coming time of astronomical change.
Stuart Hall’s essay, “What’s this ‘black’ in black pop culture?” is where many begin when looking at the intersection of race and culture. Popular culture, according to Hall, “is where we discover and play with the identifications of ourselves, where we are imagined, where we are represented…to ourselves for the first time” (474). This “we” Hall speaks of is not just the black community, but to people as a whole. The playful nature of popular culture is not all fun and games though, and should not be misread in this light. Instead the “play” that comes from pop culture is the fickleness of the audience, the back and forth that comes from seeing representations of you that you might or might not like. For many Americans, Barack Obama has given us the opportunity to see how the country implicitly (and sometimes explicitly) speaks about race, and how we are truly being shown ourselves for the first time in a time where, “race is a slippery concept…where no one can define blackness, but we Americans embrace it as a matter of common sense” (Smith 180).
This notion of race as common sense has seeped into the American consciousness so much so that to talk about race and racism in regards to Barack Obama has almost been heresy. As Dr. John Streamas mentions, “The media has been bending over backwards not to talk about racism,” which seems to be concurrent with the type of coverage that is being seen. Streamas continues by noting that, “In the coverage after the debates, one person might mention race, another would comment and then one would say, ‘But the bigger issue here is…’ They know it’s a factor but just don’t want to talk about it.” Colorblind racism, illustrated in turns of phrase like those mentioned above, are the “powerful explanations-- which ultimately have become justifications” (2) for racism to continue. This style of talking about “Anything but Race” in media coverage of Obama, specifically in the general election against McCain, has been to ignore outright problems of racism that underlies the “bigger issues” of economics and healthcare (Bonilla-Silva 62). Attacks on Obama’s character as well as how race has played a role in the campaign are not mentioned because of these “bigger issues” facing “every American.”
For communities of color, though, for who race is that which informs opportunities and economics, what bigger issue is there? Even for Barack Obama, an elitist in many aspects, he cannot escape his race and all the stereotypical baggage that comes with it. This baggage comes in the form of essentialisms for the people Obama represents on the screen, where “sweeping generalizations about all group members” create ways to categorize people of color. Americans learn these explicitly and implicitly from birth, and therefore “the groups essence is seen as relatively immutable and as providing an explanation for why groups differ in terms of resources and opportunities” (Jost and Hamilton 214). Discrimination’s affects on people of color’s life chances then are merely essentialized away as something “immutable”, causing worse pain for those who know they are essentialized in a mostly negative light. For a person of color in the everyday, “It is to experience a precarious balance between paranoia and the desire to live life simply as it comes, an endless struggle with humiliation, depression, and rage” (Johnson 58). No day is exempt from this struggle, especially for those poor and working class.
Obama’s public persona and personality (at least in his television life) has not been indicative of that rage. Cool and composed at even the most tense of moments, Obama gives credence to those citizens and critical watchers like Dr. Robert Eddy who believe that, “He is just too brilliant to be essentialized…Obama has overcome that essentialism.” Even though Obama as one man has overcome the stereotypical versions of a black man, Dr. Eddy notes that, “for many that [overcoming essentialisms of representation] is not happening.” Barack Obama as a representation of the Black community and communities of color in general might have escaped these essentialisms of the “angry black man” or “lazy,” but he has not escaped essentialisms in other ways.
This particular political moment is laced with the rhetoric of fear, and new essentialisms have emerged particularly around the idea of the “terrorist” that many in Obama-opposing factions have been decrying. The Other in this case is now the most feared of them all, and Obama has been essentialized broadly as the Other throughout this campaign. “In 2008, you can’t get away with saying ‘Don’t trust him because he’s black’,” notes Dr. Lisa Guerrero. Instead, “the rhetorics [from the opposition] are coming in the back door, saying things like ‘He doesn’t see America like we see America’…and the allegations that he ‘pals around with terrorists’ hurt the larger community.” Not only have these attacks of his character come as a somewhat last-ditch effort by his opponents towards Obama himself, but there are deeper motives at work. Connections with something currently so taboo in this country could negatively affect the way he represents and reflects communities of color, continuing the xenophobia of many Americans towards people of color.
According to Tafjel and Turner’s Social Identity Theory, one gains identity in self by identifying with groups, some ascribed (like race) and others achieved. It is also assumed that, “people are generally motivated to achieve and maintain a positive social identity, thereby boosting their self esteem” (Brown and Zagefka 56). For the ascribed group affiliation for people of color, then, their greatest media representation in Obama insidiously otherized in this way could have catastrophic affects on the whole group’s identity to whites. If clearly many Americans still see any connection to the Middle East as a “problem,” this Otherizing of Obama is detrimental to the Social Identity of Americans of color via their ascribed status. Dr. Guerrero notes, “If the President of the U.S. is identified as the danger because of connections to terrorism, it is far more insidious than, ‘He’s a criminal.’” These connections change the way people see Obama as a leader, and for some this still identifies Obama with otherized communities that potentially threaten a positive social identity for all. As mentioned in a New York Times article on October 19, 2008, “At a recent town-hall style meeting during which an audience member said she thought that Mr. Obama was an ‘Arab,’ Mr. McCain replied, ‘No, ma’am, he’s a decent family man’” (A1). “Family men” aren’t apparently Arab, but more so than anything that comment represents the bigger issue here- that the Other is still zealously feared.
As the Otherizing rhetoric is coming from those that oppose Barack Obama, the supporters of Obama also collaborate with the colorblind racist paradigm in setting himself up as the token, believing that the problems will be solved when Obama is president. The discussion of “The Cosby Show” by Jhally and Lewis can serve us well when looking at Obama as a representation of one of the community of color who has made it, like the Huxtables of 80s television. “White respondents used the acknowledgement of a racist past to demonstrate historical contrast rather than historical continuity. Racism, in other words, is seen by white Cosby watchers as a disease that has been essentially cured; the society requires no further medicine” (Jhally and Lewis 90). Obama is a representation of progress for this county in many ways, but there is a danger of believing that we are now a post-racial society. Dr. Streamas notes this danger when saying, “We have to be careful, because Obama will be a way to disregard race…he will give us something to point to,” when critics say that racism doesn’t exist. In the words of Dr. Lisa Guerrero, “He will give us an out.”
Obama as President, would be a triumph for communities of color and for antiracists. It will be proof that a particularly eloquent and brilliant black man has the possibility of making it all the way to the highest public office in this country. But we cannot stop there. As Tim Wise notes in his alarmingly brilliant and frank book White Like Me, the “argument from exception” that racism doesn’t exist by mentioning the few success stories of people of color is nonsensical and doesn’t help expose white privilege and change racism. It is “tantamount to saying that since lots of Jews survived the World War II era, the Holocaust wasn’t really that bad” (70). If we lift up Obama as a Messiah-like figure he so often is represented as in the minds of liberals, coming to fix the problem of racism by merely being in the Oval Office, those who are fighting for racial equality will be collaborating with the problem.
To truly take on the problems that both essentialisms cause for Obama and communities of color, both must be made conscious to audiences even after Obama is elected. Recognition of the possibility of being a fan of Obama while still being in danger of keeping the racial hierarchy intact must be paramount to understanding of the precariousness of representations. of people of color by Obama. More than anything, though, Obama as President has to tackle both the ideological essentialisms by uttering them and the tangible evidence of discrimination of the poor people of color. That group will not be ignored, especially by a Black man running a government that has left them behind for too long.
Works Cited
Bonilla-Silva, Eduardo. Racism Without Racists, 2nd Ed. Oxford: Rowman and Littlefield Publishers, 2006.
Bulmiller, Elizabeth and Jeff Zelheny. “Powell Backs Obama and Criticized McCain Tactics.” The New York Times Online.. 19 October 2008, A1. http://www.nytimes.com/2008/10/20/us/politics/20campaign.html?hp
Brown, Rupert and Hanna Zagefka. “Ingroup Affiliations and Prejudice.” On the Nature of Prejudice: Fifty Years After Allport. Eds. John F. Dovidio, Peter Glick and Laurie Rudman. Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishing, 2005. 54-70.
Eddy, Dr. Robert. Pesonal Interview. 7 October 2008.
Guerrero, Dr. Lisa. Personal Interview. 10 October 2008.
Hall, Stuart. “What is this ‘black’ in black pop culture?” Stuart Hall: Critical Dialogues in Cultural Studies. Eds. David Morley and Kuan-Hsing Chen. New York: Routledge, 1996. 465-475.
Jhally, Sue and Justin Lewis. Enlightened Racism. Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1992.
Johnson, Allen. Privilege, Power, and Difference, 2nd Ed. Boston: McGraw-Hill, 2006.
Jost, John T. and David L. Hamilton. “Stereotypes in Our Culture.” On the Nature of Prejudice: Fifty Years After Allport. Eds. John F. Dovidio, Peter Glick and Laurie Rudman. Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishing, 2005. 208-224.
Smith, David Lionel. “What is Black Culture?” The House that Race Built: Original Essays by Toni Morrison, Angela Y. Davis, Cornel West and Others on Black Americans and Politics in America Today. Ed. Wahneema Lubiano. New York: Vintage Books, 1998. 178-193.
Streamas, Dr. John. Personal Interview. 16 October 2008.
Wise, Tim. White Like Me: Reflections on Race from a Privileged Son, 2nd Ed. Brooklyn, NY: Soft Skull Press, 2008.
Piece 2- Primary Source Essay
What’s Not Being Said: Obama’s Identity and Race Relations
Paper 2 Draft 2
The discussions and opinions about Barack Obama as a candidate have been far reaching in many contexts. Many pundits say that he is too inexperienced to lead, that he will not do enough to fix the economy, or that possibly he is not going to take a strong stance in foreign policy, particularly in regards to our current quagmire in Iraq. But more than anything else, the discussion has been race in this campaign: not the racial stratification system of this country nor the institutionalized discrimination that limits minorities’ chances for success, but instead the race of Obama himself. He and the African American figures he has been allied with- most notably his former pastor Revered Jeremiah Wright- have been many a focus of both the primary and general election campaign. It is true that the nomination of Obama has brought up the question of race in America, but it has not gone any farther in the media and the minds of many Americans than the discussion of whether Obama’s race will play a factor in electability. The issues that needs to be discussed are the not necessarily about Obama himself, but the people he represents by simply being him- people of color.
The case of electability based on race is still an issue in this campaign, and remains a concern regarding Obama’s chances of winning in November. In a Wall Street Journal blog article from September 20th, 2008, “The survey finds that many white Americans— particularly Democrats and Independent voters— still hold deep-seated reservations about African Americans… [and that] one-third of white Democrats hold negative views of blacks.” This margin, journalist-blogger Susan Davis notes, is larger than the margin of error taken for the whole survey. The number crunchers are doing there job well in continuing to support those who are concerned with Obama’s race playing a factor in this election. Obama’s race seems to be the biggest issue here, even though many other bloggers and journalists tend to tire of the constant attention given to this issue. Back in January in the midst of the heated Democratic primary campaign, op-ed blogger Christopher Hitchens blatantly stated, “Isn’t there something pathetic and embarrassing about this emphasis on shade? And why is a man with a white mother considered to be black, anyway?” (Slate.com). While Obama’s race may be overpublicized, this same blogger still mentioned Obama’s ties with his then-pastor, before the firestorm of controversy began.
That controversy and the fallout from Rev. Wright’s sermons circulating on YouTube are, after all, what many point to when others say that race has been properly covered. The sheer volume of media coverage that demonized Rev.Wright and attempted to bring down Obama’s campaign was staggering: in a September 2008 article for The Monthly Review mentioned that in the first 125 days of 2008, the Wright-Obama connection was mentioned in editorials and op-eds 15 times more than McCain and his connection with right-wing fundamentalist pastor John Hagee (4). This connection is purely meant to discuss Obama’s identity as a black man, dragging him in the mud for being allied with Wright. Embarking on a simple search of YouTube for news coverage of Rev. Wright’s sermons, titles echoed this one: “Jeremiah Wright-Obama’s mentor-Hate speech.” This title pointedly notes the connection the media made between these two men- a title written by an average citizen. Not surprisingly, this one of hundreds of videos had been viewed upwards of 289,000 times (YouTube, September 21, 2008). This video and the spliced clips of the “angry black man” were made solely to point out Obama’s identity. The media made no mention of any problems of the black people that both Obama and Wright represent. That discussion of race ceases.
Obama has, though, made mention of the real problems of race relations in this country after being prompted by the media’s attention on he and Wright. In his most broad speech, “A More Perfect Union” given March 18, 2008, he talks frankly about the real problems due to the legacy of discrimination. “But race is an issue that I believe we cannot afford to ignore right now,” he mentions early on in the speech, making it clear that he’s finally going to utter words that few in the political arena want to discuss. In a more acceptable way, he echoes the same themes the Wright professed in his sermons without being “divisive”: “We do need to remind ourselves that so many of the disparities that exist in the African-American community today can be directly traced to inequalities passed on from an earlier generation that suffered under the brutal legacy of slavery and Jim Crow.” He even mentions directly the legislations and federal actions that have caused the disparities to occur- namely segregated schools that remain unfixed and “legalized discrimination” such as lack of FHA loans that have not given blacks chances to aquire wealth. In this speech he addresses the anger that exists and calls for recognition of these problems in order to work on perfecting this union. Race was talked about as it should be talked about, bravo. A sigh of relief comes over all who fight for racial equality at the words of this speech.
But what since then? Has there been any talk of that kind uttered from Obama’s opponents, any large-scale media organization, or Obama himself? No. The only time that the disparities due to race was mentioned was in response to a polarizing figure like Rev. Wright. There needs to be a continued discussion on the issues raised in Obama’s speech to both white people and people of color in order to build coalitions toward change, and that’s for both sides of the political aisle. When searching for an article about race and Republican nominee John McCain, the findings are much more slim. Again, there is no mention on a large scale what changes will be made if these men get elected that has anything to do with the legalized discrimination in America. While the issue might be implied when discussing the economy, there needs to be a bigger mention of the real problems that face communities of color as the election draws near. One speech will not change the landscape of race relations, nor will the continuous discussion on one man’s identity. The focus needs to be on the people that matter most, those who don’t have the voice of Obama or McCain.
Works Cited
Davis, Susan. "Could Obama's Race Cost Him the Election?" Blog posting. Wall Street Journal Online. 20 September 2008. 21 September 2008. http://blogs.wsj.com/washwire/2008/09/20/could-obamas-race-cost-him-the-election/?mod=googlenew_wsj
Herman, Edward and David Peterson. "The Propaganda System: Racial Politics and Jeremiah Wright." Monthly Review. 60.4: September 2008.
Hitchens, Christopher. "Identity Crisis." Blog Posting. Slate Magazine. 7 January 2008. 21 September 2008. http://www.slate.com/id/2181460/
Obama, Barack. "Text of 'A More Perfect Union' Speech." Reprinted in Wall Street Journal Online. 18 March 2008. 21 September 2008. http://blogs.wsj.com/washwire/2008/03/18/text-of-obamas-speech-a-more-perfect-union/
"Jeremiah Wright-Obama's Mentor-Hate Speech." YouTube video posting. 20 March 2008. 21 September 2008.
Sarah Weakley
Paper 2 Draft 2 Metacommentary Map
I was able to put a naysayer in the text from the start, when I mention in the second line, “Many pundits say…” about Obama’s identity, and then on the second page I mention the issue of the Jeremiah Wright controversy that many would point to and say that race is talked about. I think I was able to put a naysayer with that controversy and in Obama’s speech as well. This would give credit to my opponents, but I use it to complicate the issue.
The template that I choose to use then, is on page 55. I use the template “By focusing on ….. X overlooks the bigger problem of….” This template is obviously extrapolated, but I feel that statement was properly addressed in my own words in the first introductory paragraph. I only adjusted that template a little bit and also used a concede-counter method to complicate what “race-talk” is in the media coverage of Obama.
I begin the metacommentary of my piece in the title, which leads directly into the underlying issue of “What’s Not Being Said” that I explore throughout the paper. I also use signpost for importance in the beginning, “But more than anything else…” and at the end I restate the issue with, “Again…” For the next paper, I think I might need a little bit more metacommentary, but I don’t want to be too obvious; make the reader work a little more. I’ll have to toe that line as I go.
Paper 2 Draft 2
The discussions and opinions about Barack Obama as a candidate have been far reaching in many contexts. Many pundits say that he is too inexperienced to lead, that he will not do enough to fix the economy, or that possibly he is not going to take a strong stance in foreign policy, particularly in regards to our current quagmire in Iraq. But more than anything else, the discussion has been race in this campaign: not the racial stratification system of this country nor the institutionalized discrimination that limits minorities’ chances for success, but instead the race of Obama himself. He and the African American figures he has been allied with- most notably his former pastor Revered Jeremiah Wright- have been many a focus of both the primary and general election campaign. It is true that the nomination of Obama has brought up the question of race in America, but it has not gone any farther in the media and the minds of many Americans than the discussion of whether Obama’s race will play a factor in electability. The issues that needs to be discussed are the not necessarily about Obama himself, but the people he represents by simply being him- people of color.
The case of electability based on race is still an issue in this campaign, and remains a concern regarding Obama’s chances of winning in November. In a Wall Street Journal blog article from September 20th, 2008, “The survey finds that many white Americans— particularly Democrats and Independent voters— still hold deep-seated reservations about African Americans… [and that] one-third of white Democrats hold negative views of blacks.” This margin, journalist-blogger Susan Davis notes, is larger than the margin of error taken for the whole survey. The number crunchers are doing there job well in continuing to support those who are concerned with Obama’s race playing a factor in this election. Obama’s race seems to be the biggest issue here, even though many other bloggers and journalists tend to tire of the constant attention given to this issue. Back in January in the midst of the heated Democratic primary campaign, op-ed blogger Christopher Hitchens blatantly stated, “Isn’t there something pathetic and embarrassing about this emphasis on shade? And why is a man with a white mother considered to be black, anyway?” (Slate.com). While Obama’s race may be overpublicized, this same blogger still mentioned Obama’s ties with his then-pastor, before the firestorm of controversy began.
That controversy and the fallout from Rev. Wright’s sermons circulating on YouTube are, after all, what many point to when others say that race has been properly covered. The sheer volume of media coverage that demonized Rev.Wright and attempted to bring down Obama’s campaign was staggering: in a September 2008 article for The Monthly Review mentioned that in the first 125 days of 2008, the Wright-Obama connection was mentioned in editorials and op-eds 15 times more than McCain and his connection with right-wing fundamentalist pastor John Hagee (4). This connection is purely meant to discuss Obama’s identity as a black man, dragging him in the mud for being allied with Wright. Embarking on a simple search of YouTube for news coverage of Rev. Wright’s sermons, titles echoed this one: “Jeremiah Wright-Obama’s mentor-Hate speech.” This title pointedly notes the connection the media made between these two men- a title written by an average citizen. Not surprisingly, this one of hundreds of videos had been viewed upwards of 289,000 times (YouTube, September 21, 2008). This video and the spliced clips of the “angry black man” were made solely to point out Obama’s identity. The media made no mention of any problems of the black people that both Obama and Wright represent. That discussion of race ceases.
Obama has, though, made mention of the real problems of race relations in this country after being prompted by the media’s attention on he and Wright. In his most broad speech, “A More Perfect Union” given March 18, 2008, he talks frankly about the real problems due to the legacy of discrimination. “But race is an issue that I believe we cannot afford to ignore right now,” he mentions early on in the speech, making it clear that he’s finally going to utter words that few in the political arena want to discuss. In a more acceptable way, he echoes the same themes the Wright professed in his sermons without being “divisive”: “We do need to remind ourselves that so many of the disparities that exist in the African-American community today can be directly traced to inequalities passed on from an earlier generation that suffered under the brutal legacy of slavery and Jim Crow.” He even mentions directly the legislations and federal actions that have caused the disparities to occur- namely segregated schools that remain unfixed and “legalized discrimination” such as lack of FHA loans that have not given blacks chances to aquire wealth. In this speech he addresses the anger that exists and calls for recognition of these problems in order to work on perfecting this union. Race was talked about as it should be talked about, bravo. A sigh of relief comes over all who fight for racial equality at the words of this speech.
But what since then? Has there been any talk of that kind uttered from Obama’s opponents, any large-scale media organization, or Obama himself? No. The only time that the disparities due to race was mentioned was in response to a polarizing figure like Rev. Wright. There needs to be a continued discussion on the issues raised in Obama’s speech to both white people and people of color in order to build coalitions toward change, and that’s for both sides of the political aisle. When searching for an article about race and Republican nominee John McCain, the findings are much more slim. Again, there is no mention on a large scale what changes will be made if these men get elected that has anything to do with the legalized discrimination in America. While the issue might be implied when discussing the economy, there needs to be a bigger mention of the real problems that face communities of color as the election draws near. One speech will not change the landscape of race relations, nor will the continuous discussion on one man’s identity. The focus needs to be on the people that matter most, those who don’t have the voice of Obama or McCain.
Works Cited
Davis, Susan. "Could Obama's Race Cost Him the Election?" Blog posting. Wall Street Journal Online. 20 September 2008. 21 September 2008. http://blogs.wsj.com/washwire/2008/09/20/could-obamas-race-cost-him-the-election/?mod=googlenew_wsj
Herman, Edward and David Peterson. "The Propaganda System: Racial Politics and Jeremiah Wright." Monthly Review. 60.4: September 2008.
Hitchens, Christopher. "Identity Crisis." Blog Posting. Slate Magazine. 7 January 2008. 21 September 2008. http://www.slate.com/id/2181460/
Obama, Barack. "Text of 'A More Perfect Union' Speech." Reprinted in Wall Street Journal Online. 18 March 2008. 21 September 2008. http://blogs.wsj.com/washwire/2008/03/18/text-of-obamas-speech-a-more-perfect-union/
"Jeremiah Wright-Obama's Mentor-Hate Speech." YouTube video posting. 20 March 2008. 21 September 2008.
Sarah Weakley
Paper 2 Draft 2 Metacommentary Map
I was able to put a naysayer in the text from the start, when I mention in the second line, “Many pundits say…” about Obama’s identity, and then on the second page I mention the issue of the Jeremiah Wright controversy that many would point to and say that race is talked about. I think I was able to put a naysayer with that controversy and in Obama’s speech as well. This would give credit to my opponents, but I use it to complicate the issue.
The template that I choose to use then, is on page 55. I use the template “By focusing on ….. X overlooks the bigger problem of….” This template is obviously extrapolated, but I feel that statement was properly addressed in my own words in the first introductory paragraph. I only adjusted that template a little bit and also used a concede-counter method to complicate what “race-talk” is in the media coverage of Obama.
I begin the metacommentary of my piece in the title, which leads directly into the underlying issue of “What’s Not Being Said” that I explore throughout the paper. I also use signpost for importance in the beginning, “But more than anything else…” and at the end I restate the issue with, “Again…” For the next paper, I think I might need a little bit more metacommentary, but I don’t want to be too obvious; make the reader work a little more. I’ll have to toe that line as I go.
Piece 1- Letter to the Editor
P.C.: Disregarding Race and Complicating the Rhetoric of Identification
Paper 1 Last Draft
September 16, 2008
To the Editors of the Daily Evergreen:
Race is an issue in America because it decides opportunities, creates communities, causes strife, and unifies. While this election is being touted as the changing of tides in American politics, there are some elements of this election and the media coverage that have remained poignantly the same; namely the fear of all parties to discuss the issue of race in a country seeped in racialized language and policies.
As a color-conscious individual, it must be paramount for one to recognize blatant racism present in the media; but one must also recognize when race is strategically left out of the conversation. In our generation, it has become taboo to say the dreaded R-word in fear we will be politically incorrect. The phrase "playing the race card" is in itself a way to halt any conversation, so to win votes and sell newspapers those who write have to identify with the money and power - the white upper class. In short, race is left out of the discussion to cater to us white folks who think racism is a problem of the past. But once made visible on the grandest of political stages in this election, the issue that underlies all the others will prove to be a better way to go about change. Recognition of power structures that discriminate (our country as one of them) is the first thing we need to do to bring about change. And that's on both sides of the political tape.
Regards,
Sarah Weakley
Paper 1 Last Draft
September 16, 2008
To the Editors of the Daily Evergreen:
Race is an issue in America because it decides opportunities, creates communities, causes strife, and unifies. While this election is being touted as the changing of tides in American politics, there are some elements of this election and the media coverage that have remained poignantly the same; namely the fear of all parties to discuss the issue of race in a country seeped in racialized language and policies.
As a color-conscious individual, it must be paramount for one to recognize blatant racism present in the media; but one must also recognize when race is strategically left out of the conversation. In our generation, it has become taboo to say the dreaded R-word in fear we will be politically incorrect. The phrase "playing the race card" is in itself a way to halt any conversation, so to win votes and sell newspapers those who write have to identify with the money and power - the white upper class. In short, race is left out of the discussion to cater to us white folks who think racism is a problem of the past. But once made visible on the grandest of political stages in this election, the issue that underlies all the others will prove to be a better way to go about change. Recognition of power structures that discriminate (our country as one of them) is the first thing we need to do to bring about change. And that's on both sides of the political tape.
Regards,
Sarah Weakley
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